PHOTO: Fighters of Wilayat Sinai, the Islamic State “franchise” in Egypt


Lars Hauch writes for Middle East Eye:


Following the missile strike on an Russian airplane as it was leaving Sharm-el-Sheikh in Egypt for St. Petersburg on October 31, killing all 224 passengers and crew, the Islamic State’s Egyptian branch claimed responsibility.

For those who associated ISIS with Syria and Iraq, which have no borders with Egypt, the claim was stunning.

So when and how did the Islamic State reach Egypt?

The Transformation of a Local Insurgency

Egyptian militants swore allegiance to the Islamic State in November 2014, adopting the name Wilayat Sinai (Sinai Province). Before that, the group was known as Ansar Beit al-Maqdis (Supporters of Jerusalem), officially establihsed after the 2011 uprising that toppled President Hosni Mubarak.

The group was the most prominent one in an insurgency in the Sinai that flared following the 2013 military coup that overthrew Mohamed Morsi, Egypt’s first elected leader. But long before that, the Sinai region, whose inhabitants complain of marginalization and mistreatment, had been plagued with anti-Government violence.

The change from Ansar Beit al-Maqdis to Wilayat Sinai was a significant demonstration, with a lesson for other areas. The Islamic State did not send troops from Syria and Iraq to claim territory. Instead it absorbed a local group, providing it with a label — similar to an international company establishing franchises. The effort was aided by a country with an authoritarian regime which lacked legitimacy within the population and thus faced various forms of resistance.

Reframing the Narrative

A cycle of violence and repression is established. When local jihadis become ISIS franchises, regimes can reframe their authoritarian politics as part of an inevitable struggle against the Islamic State. The increased repression drives more people into the hands of the jihadists, strengthening the Islamic State as it expands its franchises.

In the case of Egypt, a key response was the international support for Abdel Fatteh El-Sisi’s military regime because of the perceived threat of the Islamic State’s growing influence. That support risked losing of the underlying conflicts which provide the breeding ground for terrorism, with the one-dimensional focus on the Islamic State’s banner leading to an escalation of conflicts and even more opportunities for recruitment.

The roots of armed struggle and jihadism in Egypt go back decades, entangled in the conflict between various military regimes and opposition forces, namely the Muslim Brotherhood. Radical elements united under the banner of jihadism and found a safe haven on the Sinai — a region characterised by tribal structures where the nation state’s influence is limited.

The power vacuum that followed the revolution in 2011 strengthened those radical elements. Following the counter-revolution of 2013 when the Egyptian military forced President Morsi out of office and brutally cracked down on the Muslim Brotherhood, Ansar Beit al-Magdis radicalized and increased its attacks on the army and security forces.

The Vicious Cycle

The rebranding of Ansar Beit al-Maqdis offered mutual benefits. Islamic State supported the group’s 1,000 to 2,000 fighters with logistics, finances and knowledge through contacts in Syria and Iraq. In return ISIS received promotional value, increasing the reach of its ideology, based on the narrative of modern crusaders oppressing Muslims.

Egypt’s President Sisi plays into that narrative as he portrays the opposition as terrorists, and blames the Muslim Brotherhood in an equation of nationalist insurgency with jihadism. As part of the War on Terror, Sisi’s regime persecutes political opponents and restricts civil rights. Its military demolishes houses and forces the relocation of thousands of residents to build a buffer zone on the border with the Gaza Strip. There are curfews, restrictions on communications, and arbitrary actions by the army and security forces. Tens of thousands of regime opponents are held in Egyptian prisons under harsh conditions, providing another breeding ground for extremism.

Egypt’s case is not so much about individuals that are attracted by jihadism. It is about the masses. The Muslim Brotherhood’s young generation witnessed how its democratically-elected President was ousted by force and thousands of members were killed. They see an Egyptian military dominating the political sphere and Western countries supporting the accursed regime.

Radicalization benefits all the players with power. Local jihadi groups like Ansar Bait al-Maqdis are upgraded. The Islamic State gains reach. The authoritarian regimes continue their brutal crackdowns.

And the oppression, poverty, and spiral of violence grow.